Ignoring Religious Extremism Harms the People

Written by: 이준엽 | Published: May 26, 2025

“Bow your heads!” Jeon Kwang-hoon’s shocking statement reveals a social crisis that cannot be dismissed as a mere incident. Reports indicate that during a recent religious event, he reprimanded branch leaders for poor performance, ordering “Wonsan bombing” and asking some, “Do you want to live in North Korea?” This dangerous expression of religious authority suggests the event was a political gathering under the guise of religion.

The issue is that such deviations are not unique to Jeon’s sect. During the last presidential election, controversies arose over certain religious groups subtly supporting specific candidates, influencing the election, a fact widely recognized by the public.

In recent years, certain religious forces openly aligning with politics and exerting influence over elections have become commonplace, surpassing the stage of “small issues accumulating into major problems” (적미성저).

In South Korea’s tightly contested political landscape, where preventing the opponent’s rise to power is a key strategy, a single major sect’s deviation can directly lead to political outcomes. This symbolizes a structural fracture in South Korean society. In this chaotic scene where religion and politics, groups and individuals, ideology and common sense intertwine, what must we do?

Statements like “You’re ruining the country” or “Do you want to live in North Korea?” from a religious leader aim to rally groups under a specific political ideology, enforcing political goals in the name of faith. These actions exceed the scope of religious freedom guaranteed by the constitution and constitute an anti-democratic performance threatening public order and democratic principles.

The problem is that such antics are not merely individual deviations. Some conservative political factions maintain an ambiguous stance toward Pastor Jeon, claiming to distance themselves while not clearly doing so. This duplicity—denying a political relationship while tacitly endorsing or exploiting his influence and support base—is a greater issue.

The fusion of religion and politics is already manifesting in various ways. Jeon’s confident political statements and violent rallies likely stem from the belief that religion, when privatized, yielded electoral success. The politicization of religion has long ceased to be a “potential risk” and is now a “real threat.”

The concern is that Trump’s camp views Jeon’s sect as an ideal. Trump has already formed a strong political alliance with evangelical groups in the U.S., with their recommended figures in the current administration. These cases serve as models for groups like Jeon’s sect, wielding political influence through far-right ideologies.

“Why can’t we do it like America?” This question has become a key challenge for their far-right alliance, with the Capitol riot being a prime example. Lenient punishments for Capitol rioters further enhance the credibility and influence of statements from far-right leaders like Jeon.

Today, the overt trend in major countries of religion seeking to acquire or maintain political power goes beyond mere ethical issues, eroding constitutional order, civil liberties, and the legitimacy of public power.

More concerning is that such chaos and division could provoke external threats. If radicalized religious forces heighten a sense of crisis across society, promote exclusion over unity, and receive biased legal rulings, it creates room for North Korea to misjudge the situation.

When South Korea’s internal extremism spreads to North Korea, some North Koreans may see it as a mission to resolve. While Kim Jong-un could control such movements, ignoring South Korea’s chaos might lead to internal criticism or far-right groups attempting to overthrow him. Such groups could label Kim as anti-national and seek regime change. This suggests a mutual dependency: South Korea’s conservative right needs Kim’s dictatorship, and Kim needs their chaos. This dynamic creates a dangerous illusion for related countries, making the crisis more complex and unpredictable.

In this context, the U.S. response is noteworthy. The current U.S. conservative camp, centered around former President Trump, prominently aligns with Christian right-wing forces. Seeing South Korean politics synchronize like a stock market, they may view chaos and division as a strategic advantage under “shared values,” possibly withholding even minimal criticism. Realistically, the U.S. cannot criticize Jeon’s sect, as they are akin to twins.

A greater warning comes from India, where theocratic integration is evident. The alliance between Modi’s BJP and the RSS has triggered massive violence, plunging Indian society into an irreparable abyss. The Modi government’s theocratic act of revoking Jammu-Kashmir’s autonomy led to the execution of tourists in the Pahalgam region last month, an extreme backlash.

The crisis South Korea faces is not just religious deviation but a complex crisis driven by the politicization of religion, political extremism, and social division. What is needed now is to curb power-seeking attempts cloaked as religious freedom through law and ethics, restoring the basic order of democracy. Only this can safeguard peace on the Korean Peninsula and South Korea’s democratic stability. 🏠

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